Letter of the Day | Why Jamaica’s reforms keep failing

THE EDITOR, Madam:

The recent column by Jalil Dabdoub in The Gleaner, describing Jamaica’s culture of “joke ting governance,” powerfully names a problem many of us have long observed: the belief that reform begins and ends with legislation.

Five years ago, in a 2021 blog on guns, crime, and technology, I raised a parallel concern about what I called “governing via announcements.” At the time, the focus was repeated thefts from police armouries, endless investigations, and recommendations that seemed never to be implemented. The deeper question then — as now — was not simply about crime, but about systems: what institutional controls existed, how they were enforced, and who was accountable for ensuring reforms actually took root.

Dabdoub’s critique of the National Identification System exposes the same governance flaw in a different arena. The state expanded power first and attempted to retrofit safeguards later. Constitutional protections, privacy frameworks, and independent oversight were treated as obstacles rather than the infrastructure of legitimate governance. This is the same sequencing failure seen in crime control, education reform, and procurement policy — rules are changed, announcements are made, but the institutional capacity required to make reform effective is left underbuilt or ignored.

SYMBOLISM FOR STRUCTURE

In crime policy, we speak of tougher enforcement while neglecting internal accountability systems such as secure armouries, firearm tracking, and audited disposal procedures. In education, new regulatory frameworks are introduced without the resources, training, and phased implementation necessary for success. In procurement, transparency is declared without embedding openness into mandatory systems and workflows. Across sectors, Jamaica substitutes symbolism for structure.

The shared conclusion between my 2021 warning and Dabdoub’s 2026 analysis is simple but sobering: Jamaica does not primarily suffer from a lack of ideas or laws. It suffers from a failure to build the institutional, constitutional, and operational foundations that make reform legitimate and sustainable.

Moving forward, three practical governance shifts could break this cycle. First, major reforms should require a formal “readiness before legislation” package — implementation plans, resource commitments, and risk assessments — before any bill is passed. Second, structured consultation and independent constitutional vetting must become standard, ensuring safeguards precede state power. Third, reforms should carry built-in accountability: public performance targets, regular reporting, and independent evaluation.

Until Jamaica governs by systems rather than announcements, we will continue producing laws that look impressive on paper but collapse in practice.

DUDLEY C. MCLEAN II