Barry Griffin | Trade must be the Caribbean’s new doctrine

The world is moving and it is not waiting on the Caribbean. In recent weeks, as global powers flexed their muscle in Venezuela, the Caribbean felt the tremor almost immediately. Not in speeches. Not in theory. But where it always hurts us first: our economy. That is air travel, shipping routes, fuel costs, insurance premiums, investor confidence, and the price of everyday living, all affected.

CARICOM spoke wisely and responsibly. Our leaders reaffirmed peace, sovereignty, and international law. But CARICOM also acknowledged something far more revealing: that these events have far-reaching implications for economic activity, travel, and overall economic outlook.

That single admission should awaken us. Here is the truth that we must confront plainly: If today’s instability can disrupt our skies, our seas, and our markets this quickly, then the Caribbean as it is currently organised, is dangerously exposed.

Such exposure is not an academic problem. It is a cost-of-living problem, a jobs problem, a future-for-our-children problem. This moment is not just a test of CARICOM’s diplomacy. It is a test of CARICOM’s usefulness.

QUESTION PEOPLE ARE ASKING

Across the region, ordinary Caribbean citizens are not so quietly asking the same question: What do we really get from CARICOM? They are not necessarily asking because they reject their Caribbean identity. In fact, we are one of the most culturally connected regions on Earth with our music, food, language, and history already binding us together more tightly than treaties ever could.

They are asking because unity without usefulness does not hold. Culture gives us soul, ceremony gives us continuity, but trade gives unity purpose, and purpose is what keeps institutions alive. This is the moment for a new Caribbean doctrine.

Every generation must decide what holds it together. For the region in this century, the answer is clear: Trade and business must become the glue of Caribbean unity. Trade should not be treated as an afterthought or as a technical agenda item but as our organising principle. This is not about abandoning culture or identity. It is about making them useful in a modern world. Because in today’s global economy, regions that do not organise around trade are not organised for realising long-term prosperity.

Let us be honest with ourselves. When global instability erupts, the Caribbean does not get a grace period. We do not get time to adjust. We feel the shock immediately through cancelled flights, delayed cargo, higher fuel costs, and rising prices on supermarket shelves.

So to speak frankly: If a single geopolitical flashpoint can threaten Caribbean air travel and trade flows, then the real danger is not the crisis itself. It is our lack of economic coordination. That is the lesson of this moment, which demands a response bigger than statements.

TRADE-FIRST DOCTRINE

While the European Union is not perfect, it understood something we must now accept: economic interdependence creates political durability. Europe did not stay together because it agreed on everything. It stayed together because leaving became economically irrational. Trade created buy-in. Markets created loyalty. Shared prosperity created cohesion. The Caribbean does not need to copy Europe’s institutions. But we must embrace its insight: unity must pay dividends.

Although, what does a trade-first doctrine actually mean? This is not a slogan. It is a redesign. It means recognising that small markets survive by acting large. This requires:

1) Shared logistics: Air and sea connectivity must be treated as regional economic infrastructure not isolated national assets. Shared cargo routes, coordinated transshipment, and contingency lift for essential goods are not luxuries. They are resilience.

2) Trading with the world as a bloc: Africa and Latin America are not abstract partners. They are growth frontiers. The Caribbean should approach them together as one region with one value proposition and one negotiating posture. When we go alone, we are sidelined. When we go together, we are taken seriously.

3) Shared capacity, shared gain: Ports, shipping, aviation, and energy infrastructure are expensive. Thus, CARICOM must move beyond duplication and towards coordination so every member state benefits from a stronger regional system.

Importantly, young people must see themselves in this vision. Young Caribbean people are not disengaged. They are impatient. They want to build businesses that can scale. They want jobs that do not end at national borders. They want opportunity without migration being the only exit. A trade-driven CARICOM tells young people something powerful: You do not have to leave the region to think globally.

The world is reorganising into blocs. Supply chains are shifting. Power is consolidating. Those who do not organise will be organised around. CARICOM can remain a forum for meetings and memories, or it can become a platform for markets and momentum. Culture will always be our heartbeat, but trade must become our backbone. This is the doctrine the Caribbean now needs: unity rooted in opportunity, identity strengthened by enterprise, and regionalism that works.

If we get this right, CARICOM will not just survive the century. It will define it, and that is a future worth fighting for, together.

Barry N. Griffin is vice-president of the Senate of The Bahamas and chairman of The Bahamas Trade Commission. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com.